23 May 2007
Jessica Wright
Saturday, June 09, 2007
Seawater temperatures are unusually cold ["notícias frescas"]
Posted on Fri, May. 18, 2007
Despite warming trends globally, temperatures on the Central Coast have been as much as a degree and a half cooler than normal, officials say
By David Sneed - dsneed@thetribunenews.com
Denver unveils snow removal strategy ["notícias frescas"]
Friday, June 08, 2007
Spetsnaz
Treinamento da tropa de elite Spetsnaz...
Spetsnaz (Войска специального назначения - спецназ/Voisca spetsialnovo naznatchênia - spetsnaz, /ʃpecnaz/ no IPA) é um termo geral para "forças especiais" em russo, literalmente "unidades para fins especiais". Em russo, o termo é usado normalmente para designar forças especiais de qualquer país, mas em outros idiomas é usado exclusivamente para as forças especiais da Rússia.
Spetsnaz pode significar as tropas de elite controladas pelo Serviço de Segurança Federal (FSB) em missões de antiterrorismo e anti-sabotagem, pelo Ministério do Interior (e polícia) MVD, e forças especiais do exército controladas pelo serviço de inteligência militar GRU.
Estritamente, todas as unidades SPETSNAZ operadas pela KGB/FSB são chamadas de OSNAZ, um acrônimo para [voiska] osobovo naznatchênia ou "destacamentos para fins especialis". Estas unidades foram originalmente montadas para uso doméstico contra contra-revolucionários, dissidentes e outros elementos indesejáveis. Sempre houve uma certa quantidade de intercâmbio de pessoal e unidades tanto entre o GRU que controla as SPETSNAZ e o MVD com as OSNAZ MVD e as OZNAZ KGB ou FSB, especialmente entre estes últimos.
As Spetsnaz executam missões de reconhecimento e conflito civil em épocas de paz, bem como de guerra. Por exemplo, sabe-se que o assassinato de Hafizullah Amin, então presidente do Afeganistão, em dezembro de 1979, foi executado por Spetsnaz sob ordens da KGB.
De acordo com Vladímir Rezun, um desertor do GRU que usava o pseudônimo de "Víctor Suvorov", havia cerca de 20 brigadas Spetsnaz mais 41 companhias separadas. Assim, o contingente total de forças Spetsnaz nos anos 1980 pode ter chegado a 30.000 homens.
...
Beslan ainda foi pior do q aquele teatro (gás toxico, era um opiáceo, só q os caras lançaram uma concentração muito alta, um exagero). Em Beslan, eram uns 1200, 1300 reféns e morreram mais de 300. Vi um documentário na GNT. Os Spetsnaz e a Unidade Alfa, de elite, estavam planejando uma invasão, mas o povo da cidade pegou em armas e invadiu de repente o lugar. Aí as forças de segurança tiveram que entrar daquele jeito. A batalha durou horas, morreram 38 Spetsnaz. Sobraram 2 chechenos, q se entregaram. Os caras devem ter transfomado aquilo num forte, cheio de barricadas, pra terem resisitido por tanto tempo. Eles explodiram muitas cargas de dinamite enormes lá dentro, foi a maior confusão. Um dos chechenos até salvou uma criança (parte do grupo nem sabia qual era o alvo, e quando viram q era uma escola, começaram as brigas). Um negociador russo q foi o único a entrar lá e falar com os terroristas ainda conseguiu a libertação de algumas mães com recém-nascidos. As q tinham dois tiveram q deixar um pra trás. As mulheres chechenas, as "viúvas da guerra da Chechênia", todas de preto com explosivos presos ao corpo, também não gostaram de ter invadido uma escola. Uma delas discutiu com o líder e acabou explodindo. Não se sabe se ela se detonou ou se atiraram nela. Mostraram a sala onde ela explodiu, ficou toda vermelha, dava até pra ver os pedaços. A Chechênia é um dos piores lugares do mundo. Mesmo dentro da Al-Qaeda os jihadistas de outros países não gostam deles, porque sua selvageira costuma passar dos limites. E isso pros padrões dos árabes e outros... O líder em beslan era completamente maluco, sorria como se estivesse no céu. Tinha aquela barba enorme, de profeta...
(Enviado por André Balsalobre)
Mercosul vs. Venezuela
...
É... A Bolívia ter rompido contratos com a Petrobras - tal qual desejariam muitos sindicalizados da CUT que o Brasil fizesse a mesmíssima coisa com outras multinacionais... -, é tudo "armação", pois não tem como entrar na cachola dogmática, previsível e conspiratória do imbecil individual olaviano que aliados e "amigos" de ontem podem divergir amanhã e se tornarem competidores.
Chávez é um dos paradoxos da globalização. Por mais crítico que seja do "imperialismo" norte-americano, depende precisamente deste poderio para remeter seus 60% de hidrocarbonetos. Se os EUA tivessem como fechar a torneirinha do comércio externo, a "revolução bolivariana" estaria fadada a extinção.
Ocorre que no contexto regional, Chávez procura se impor como líder imperialista no cone sul, em uma área que, tradicionalmente, sempre foi dividida por uma péssima rede infra-estrutural e cindida por diversos interesses regionais. Sua influência no Caribe, p.ex., não é tão grande quanto na própria América do Sul. Mas, em termos propriamente econômicos, que outro consumidor potencialmente grande há além do Brasil? Ninguém. E, provavelmente, a influência chavista está por trás do conflito boliviano-brasileiro quanto a Petrobras.
Nosso presidente poderia dizer o que mais além de concordar com o fechamento da RCTV por Chávez?
Imagine o brutal incidente diplomático se dissesse o oposto? Que o partido de Lula nunca primou pelo endosso a sociedade democrática, esta é outra questão que foge aos imperativos da chamada Razão de Estado.
Vejamos aqui um típico exemplo de paranóia de nossos pseudo-analistas em geopolítica:
É... A Bolívia ter rompido contratos com a Petrobras - tal qual desejariam muitos sindicalizados da CUT que o Brasil fizesse a mesmíssima coisa com outras multinacionais... -, é tudo "armação", pois não tem como entrar na cachola dogmática, previsível e conspiratória do imbecil individual olaviano que aliados e "amigos" de ontem podem divergir amanhã e se tornarem competidores.
Analogamente, para estes paranóicos olavettes, o Congresso brasileiro criticar a estatização da TV venezuelana e o fechamento da RCTV, ao que levou Chávez a replicar também deve ser tudo "encenação". Nada disto deve ser realidade, pois por trás de tudo existe a entidade demoníaca do Foro de São Paulo, mais um dos incipientes encontros em que os fósseis da esquerdaiada latrinamericana procuraram, em vão, se articular e iniciar um processo dominó de revoluções. Se alguém acredita na eficácia disto é por que, daí sim, não passa de um imbecil coletivo, na mesma e proporcional medida em que o ridículo site Mídia Sem Máscara não é sério.
O que se observa na "análise" de Olavo de Carvalho é que a administração Bush não é competente, a priori. É como se os americanos não soubessem avaliar e intervir na situação latino-americana dividindo o bloco ao acenar com o comércio do biodiesel.
Do que se depreende o anátema da "orquestração do conjunto"? Que tudo não passa de uma encenação na qual os "bem articulados" latino-americanos estão para passar a perna em Washington. Puro conspiracionismo...
Brasil "anestesiado" e "moribundo"? Como se nossa relação risco/retorno está melhorando? Como se no agronegócio o Brasil suplantou os EUA na exportação de soja no ano passado? Não, não dá para levar um indivíduo destes a sério. Olavo de Carvalho morreu e esqueceram de enterrar...
Agora, um texto elucidativo:
Mercosur and Brazil: The Venezuela Question and Quitting Time
Despite recent conciliatory gestures between the presidents of Brazil and Venezuela, Brazil's Senate has shown a new determination to block full membership for Venezuela in the trade group Mercosur as part of the fallout from the revocation of Radio Caracas TV's license. If Mercosur denies Venezuela, it could become a more viable trade group, though that greatly depends on Argentina's stance following elections later this year. Ultimately, Brazil will have to leave Mercosur if it does not become a more effective trade body.
Analysis
Venezuelan President Hugo Chavez said June 6 that Venezuela and Brazil are friends, and that he appreciates Brazilian President Luiz Inacio "Lula" da Silva's recent statement to that effect.
This attempt at reconciliation is not likely to overcome a spat between Chavez and the Brazilian Senate over the past week, however, the upshot of which could be denial of Venezuelan entry into Mercosur. Meanwhile, if Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner is elected as Argentina's president at the end of the year, she could subtly realign Argentina's position within the trade group. If these outcomes coincide, Mercosur might be significantly strengthened. But if Mercosur fails to get its act together, Brazil will outgrow Mercosur.
The current troubles between Venezuela and Brazil began May 30, when Brazil's Senate issued a resolution condemning Chavez's May 27 decision not to renew Radio Caracas TV's (RCTV) public broadcast license. Chavez responded by calling Brazil's Senate a "parrot that just mimics Washington," at which point da Silva said Venezuela should mind its own business. Members of two of the largest parties in the Brazilian Congress, the Brazilian Social Democracy Party and the Democrat Party, started voicing opposition to Mercosur membership for "a country that cannot respect disagreement in a civil fashion." Venezuela's entry has yet to be approved by legislative bodies in both Brazil and Paraguay.
The Doha global round of trade talks is likely to finally dead-end this summer regardless of whether U.S. President George W. Bush's trade promotion authority is extended by Congress, which appears unlikely. Once Doha collapses, trade representatives worldwide will renew their attention to bilateral negotiations. If Venezuela is not admitted to Mercosur, the trade group's potential for forming agreements with other nations has a better chance of succeeding. This is not due to any hostility between Venezuela and potential trade partners in Europe or Asia, but merely because Venezuela's objectives within Mercosur have more to do with regional politics than with global trade. Therefore, Venezuela would likely be an obstructive presence in attempts, particularly by Brazil, to steer Mercosur toward success in global trade.
Even before Venezuela began the process of entry into Mercosur, the trade group's other four members had difficulty maintaining the unity of approach needed to keep a coherent internal tariff structure, much less to bargain collectively and effectively with other potential trade partners. Brazil and Argentina, the group's significant economies, have had strained relations since Argentina's economic collapse in 2001-02, when Argentina accused Brazil of protecting itself rather than providing substantial assistance.
Meanwhile, Uruguay and Paraguay tend to argue that they need special protections, exemptions and incentives in any agreement given their small size -- and in Paraguay's case, because of its endemic poverty. Furthermore, Uruguay and, to some extent, Paraguay are interested in negotiating a free trade agreement with the United States, which would pull them away from Mercosur's requirement that all negotiations be jointly conducted.
If Venezuela is kept out of Mercosur, the group will still have difficulty operating effectively unless Brazil and Argentina make a determined effort to cooperate. There are some positive signs in this regard, not least of which is the current attempt by the two countries to stop buying goods from each other in U.S. dollars and instead conduct local trade directly in local currencies. It is doubtful whether such a move actually will reduce trade costs as each side claims, but regardless, the move is a strong symbol of increased trust.
Argentine President Nestor Kirchner has not yet announced whether he will seek re-election in October, or whether his wife, Cristina, will be the candidate instead. Whoever runs is likely to win, and the country probably will continue on a similar course regardless of whether Kirchner remains president or becomes first lady as he recently joked.
In the case of regional relationships, a Cristina election could actually make some difference. Kirchner is more likely to feel an obligation to cause a fuss if Venezuela is shut out of Mercosur because of his warm relationship with Chavez. His wife, while diplomatically adept, is known for having a less favorable view of Chavez, which could lead her to a warmer relationship with Brazil and stronger cooperation in Mercosur. Nonetheless, either Kirchner might be constrained by dependence on Venezuela's provision of cheap credit to Argentina -- a luxury not available elsewhere following Argentina's 2001 default.
If Venezuela's attempt to join Mercosur is rebuffed, it also will drive a wedge into a widening split between the moderate and populist countries in the region. Da Silva has sought throughout his presidency to avoid any strong break with Chavez, but events this year -- particularly the U.S.-Brazilian ethanol partnership, the contentious formation of the Banco del Sur and the RCTV incident -- all have pushed the countries further apart. Venezuela appears to have acknowledged its failed bid to gather the entire region into its Bolivarian vision, having abandoned its enthusiasm earlier this year for the Union of South American Nations integration framework, and is attempting instead to consolidate its Bolivarian Alternative for America (ALBA) partners into a military alliance, failing this week as Stratfor predicted to achieve approval for the more ambitious ALBA federation of republics.
Meanwhile, Brazil's tolerance for a dysfunctional Mercosur could reach a break point if da Silva cannot turn the group around during the remainder of his second term. Brazil's economy is strong and the country is receiving direct overtures for establishing a strategic partnership with Europe. A pending trade agreement between Mercosur and Europe has stalled for years, largely because of a standoff on agricultural issues. Though it would be a tall order, Brazil might be willing to make compromises on agriculture that Argentina is not -- thus accentuating Brazil's incentives to abandon the trade group. Even in other trade cases -- with the United States being the ultimate case -- Brazil's commitment to not negotiate free trade agreements independently of Mercosur could become an unsustainable shackle. Either Mercosur will get its act together, or Brazil will outgrow Mercosur.
www.stratfor.com apud A.B.
Wednesday, June 06, 2007
Potência nascente
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...
Agora veja como, realmente, funciona a transferência tecnológica (enviado por A.B.):
Com agências internacionais
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Agora veja como, realmente, funciona a transferência tecnológica (enviado por A.B.):
Technology Acquisition and the Chinese Threat
A U.S. District Court jury in Santa Ana, Calif., was still deliberating May 9 in the trial of Chi Mak, a naturalized Chinese-American accused of acting as an agent of the Chinese government and exporting military information, among other charges. Chi's wife, brother, sister-in-law and nephew are awaiting trial in connection with the case.
The clandestine and highly sensitive nature of espionage cases, as well as the need to protect the sources and tactics used to discover such operations, makes it difficult to prosecute alleged spies, even when the government is certain the accused party is guilty. For example, alleged American spy Felix Bloch was observed meeting with a KGB officer in a Paris cafe, though he was never prosecuted. Prosecuting suspected spies is further complicated in cases involving the Chinese government, which is renowned for its patient, long-term approach to espionage. Due to these factors, U.S. prosecutors did not accuse Chi of espionage, but of the lesser crimes of being an unregistered foreign agent and violating export laws.
Regardless of the outcome of the trial, however, the testimony and evidence presented in this case provide an inside look at the methods the Chinese use in the United States to acquire cutting-edge technology -- and the U.S. government's efforts to counter them.
An Age-Old Problem
Espionage, often called "the world's second-oldest profession," has been practiced since the beginning of recorded history. In the wake of the 9/11 attacks and the launch of the global war on terrorism, however, the FBI redirected nearly all of its assets for foreign counterintelligence (FCI) programs into the counterterrorism effort. This meant that for the first time in the bureau's history, practically no counterintelligence efforts were taking place. Although the scope of the damage caused by this virtual FCI hiatus might never be fully appreciated, the October 2005 arrest of the Chi family was one sign that the pendulum was beginning to swing the other way -- that resources were being allocated to address the enormous problem of foreign spies.
While the FBI's limited FCI programs run up against the espionage efforts of dozens of foreign countries, no country poses a more aggressive or widespread intelligence threat to the United States than China.
The Chinese in many ways use the espionage version of the "human wave" attacks they employed against U.S. military forces during the Korean War. Due to China's size and the communist government's control of society, the Chinese can devote immense manpower to gathering intelligence. For example, the U.S. State Department issued 382,000 nonimmigrant visas and 37,000 immigrant visas to Chinese citizens in 2006. Additionally, more than 62,000 Chinese students were studying at U.S. universities last year. Granted, very few of these people were spies, though the number still represents an enormous pool of potential suspects to vet and watch, especially when one considers that there are only 12,575 FBI agents in the United States -- most of whom are assigned to tasks other than FCI, such as terrorism and white-collar crime.
The bottom line, therefore, is that it is very difficult to determine which of these visitors are in the United States to steal secrets and technology. Indeed, many serve in both capacities: They are legitimate students and part of the intelligence effort. Furthermore, not everyone who collects information for the Chinese government realizes they are doing so. By engaging in normal conversations with Chinese friends or relatives about all manner of things, including work, the average person can be providing these friends -- the real intelligence agents -- with critical information.
Additionally, in many cases, the activities of Chinese agents do not fit the legal definition of espionage. Scouring open-source material for new and emerging technologies, attending technology conferences and trade shows and hiring firms to look at new technologies are all legal activities -- and U.S. companies do this all the time. Some Chinese agents, then, are engaging much more in business intelligence than in true espionage. Given the blurred lines between civilian and government/military technology in China, however, the information gleaned can easily find its way into military applications.
The Chinese Style
The Chinese are renowned for their patient and persistent espionage methods, and for their technological reverse-engineering capabilities. They also are noted for taking an extremely long view of their political and military needs and of the intelligence required to meet them. Because of this, the Chinese pose the greatest intelligence threat to U.S. technology.
Aggressive efforts by the Chinese government to obtain critical technologies are no secret. The Chinese Ministry of Science and Technology, for instance, lists science and technology acquisition programs such as its National High-tech R&D Program (known as the 863 Program) on its official Web site. This program provides guidance and funding for acquiring or developing technology that will have a "significant impact on enhancing China's overall national strengths." Targeted technologies include those for civilian use in areas such as information technology (IT), biotechnology, agriculture, manufacturing, energy and the environment. Many of these technologies, however, also have military applications.
While the 863 Program calls for the Chinese to acquire or develop these technologies, it is far cheaper and quicker to acquire them -- and China has a long history of doing so. A great many of China's weapons systems have been developed either by stealing designs and technologies or by outright copying the entire system. In addition to copying small arms such as the AK-47, the RPG-7 and the Makarov pistol, Chinese military industries have even reverse-engineered fighter aircraft. The Chengdu F-7 fighter, for example, is a copy of the Soviet MiG-21. This crash technological advancement program is intended not only to close China's technological gap with the West, but also to leapfrog ahead of it.
To acquire critical technologies, then, the Chinese rely not only on traditional espionage, but also on collecting the needed information via open sources. Such open-source collection is both faster and easier than engaging in espionage -- and it is legal. In effect, the Chinese are exploiting the openness of the U.S. research and development (R&D) system. Such openness allows faster development of technologies in the United States because scientists and engineers from various institutions and companies can share ideas, and thus contribute to different aspects of the concept. The openness, however, also makes it easy for others to "eavesdrop" on the ongoing technological conversation.
Other countries, including Israel, France, India and South Korea, do the same thing -- though none has matched China in the amount of effort and resources devoted to this process. To obtain the desired technology, China is sending students, scholars and researchers to work and study in the United States and other industrialized countries. Some of these visitors then return to China to work in high-tech "incubator parks," where R&D takes place. Among this group, however, are real intelligence officers who are sent to steal critical technologies.
The Chi case provides insight into this process at work in the United States. According to the U.S. government, Chi was employed as a principal support engineer for Power Paragon, a subsidiary of L-3 Communications/SPD Technologies/Power Systems Group in Anaheim, Calif. Chi, who was born in China and became a U.S. citizen in 1985, was granted a "secret-level" security clearance in 1996 and worked on more than 200 U.S. defense and military contracts as an electrical engineer.
During the investigation into Chi's activities, the FBI performed a "trash cover" on him -- literally combing through his trash for evidence -- and found two documents containing instructions for Chi to attend more seminars and lists of the technologies he was to obtain. The lists had been torn up into small pieces, but the FBI was able to reconstruct and translate them. The FBI then performed surreptitious searches of Chi's residence and reportedly found documents pertaining to a number of the technologies listed on both documents.
Redefining the 'Company'
Efforts to collect sensitive technology are conducted not only by individual intelligence agents, but also by the many corporations established and controlled by the Chinese government. One such corporation is the Xinshidai Group, which was established by the People's Liberation Army (PLA) and is one of China's two largest military hardware conglomerates. One of the armaments companies Xinshidai controls is Norinco, which is widely known in the United States for sales of light arms and ammunition.
While conglomerates such as Xinshidai are not officially part of the Chinese government, they were established solely to serve the needs of the PLA and the Chinese military-industrial complex. And one important need of the Chinese government is to acquire advanced defense technology. Many Xinshidai subunits, including Norinco, own subsidiary companies in the United States, and employees of these companies attend trade shows and technology conferences, and also meet with representatives from other companies. Of course, with so much information available online, much of this open-source collection can be accomplished from a desk in China
Many times, early technologies related to the defense industry are not yet classified and therefore not protected. These technologies often become classified only after the U.S. government has purchased them. Information on these emerging technologies, then, can be obtained during the early stage, when their developers are applying for patents or looking for venture capital, partners and/or customers.
The technology acquisition process more often crosses the line into traditional espionage inside China, where Chinese intelligence officers -- operating without fear of prosecution -- frequently steal sensitive documents or copy a target's hard drive. This situation is further complicated when one considers that many of the major U.S.-based corporations doing business in China or seeking to expand market share there also have lucrative contracts with the U.S. Defense Department or other federal agencies. Some of these companies are going beyond Chinese manufacturing and are establishing design and software development centers in the country, meaning even more technology and proprietary information must be made available there.
The expansion of foreign companies into China brings a host of potential targets right to the Chinese intelligence apparatus, allowing China to apply even more pressure to even more points in its quest for technology. Moreover, the techniques used against companies and travelers in China can be far more aggressive than those employed against similar targets in the United States.
In addition to the threat posed to U.S. national security, allowing China to close the technology gap through the acquisition of proprietary information -- legally or not -- ultimately will hurt U.S. multinationals as Chinese companies use the information to become competitors. This means U.S. companies wishing to remain competitive by operating in China or partnering with Chinese firms and their subsidiaries in the United States must maintain a high level of vigilance.
Poluição e lucro
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O mapa de PL de SP foi montado a partir do Atlas Mundial de Poluição Luminosa e de um mapa rodoviário do Estado de SP.
O Atlas Mundial de Poluição Luminosa pode ser acessado clicando AQUI
As áreas são classificadas segundo a legenda de cores abaixo:
No mapa original de PL, as 2 zonas de menor PL são designadas em cinza e preto. Quando mescladas no mapa rodoviário de SP, cada zona assumiu 2 cores distintas. Em caso de dúvida, observe o mapa de PL original.
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A Prefeitura de São Paulo deve arrecadar ao menos R$ 30 milhões com a venda de créditos de carbono produzidos a partir do aterro sanitário Bandeirantes, em Perus (zona norte). A verba será usada para projetos de recuperação ambiental na região, como parques, áreas verdes, a construção de praças e de áreas de lazer. Os créditos de carbono são um produto de mercado criado pelo Protocolo de Kyoto, o tratado internacional de combate ao efeito estufa. Países ricos signatários do acordo se comprometeram a reduzir uma cota do dióxido de carbono e outros gases-estufa que emitem, mas não precisam fazer isso necessariamente em seu próprio território. Empresários que reduzam suas emissões nos países pobres podem gerar créditos de carbono, que são vendidos a nações industriais, permitindo a estas um abatimento nas emissões domésticas. Para conseguir os créditos de carbono, a prefeitura, por meio da Biogás (concessionária que explora a queima de gás metano no aterro), protocolou junto à ONU um pedido para que fossem emitidos certificados de emissão reduzida. A venda caberá à BM&F (Bolsa de Mercadorias & Futuros), que programará um leilão para realizar a venda até o final deste ano. Para o prefeito Gilberto Kassab (DEM), trata-se de um dos projetos mais importantes ligados ao ambiente já realizados na capital. "O mais importante é que os recursos com a venda nos créditos de carbono serão destinados à própria região onde está o aterro", afirmou o prefeito. A venda dos créditos de carbono se referem à 800 mil toneladas geradas pelo aterro sanitário Bandeirantes, nos seus 27 anos de funcionamento. Até 2012 o aterro tem condições de produzir outras 6.000 toneladas de carbono e, como o contrato com a concessionária estabelece que a empresa tem uma fatia de 50% no negócio, a prefeitura poderá comercializar outras 3.000 toneladas de carbono e levá-las a leilão na BM&F. De acordo com a BM&F, a cotação atual de cada tonelada de crédito de carbono é, em média, de 16 euros, com isso o valor mínimo que será arrecadado até 2012 deverá ser de R$ 120 milhões, além dos R$ 30 milhões neste ano.
Tracy, Califórnia
May 4, 2007
Biowarfare Research: Site 300 in Tracy, California
DHS wants to scare people into thinking that terrorists are busy designing biological weapons and we have to know what the terrorists are up to. This in itself is terrorism. The evildoers that the current administration would have us believe are lurking behind every tree would have to be extremely sophisticated to work with the organisms that one finds in BSL-3 and BSL-4 laboratories. So sophisticated, in fact, that they would likely be state-sponsored. And by hiding biological research within classified nuclear weapons research facilities, the government leaves itself open to reasonable suspicion that it is the United States, not “terrorists”, that wants to develop offensive biological capabilities rather than to defend against them.
Filed under Radiation, Weapons, Cities, Pollution, Agriculture, Transformation, Secret Chemicals, Depleted Uranium by Kéllia Ramares
Biowarfare Research: Site 300 in Tracy, California
The federal government wants to do nuclear weapons testing and bio-warfare agent experimentation on Site 300, near the city of Tracy, California. Tracy, 19 miles from Livermore, home of the Lawrence Livermore National Lab, is in the northern part of California's San Joaquin Valley, some of the world's most fertile farmland. It is a fast-growing city of the outer San Francisco Bay Area. The 2000 census pegged the population at just over 56,000 people. Five years later, a new estimate found that Tracy had added over 20,000 people.1
A 5,500-unit housing development is planned for an area only 1 mile from the fence line of Site 300.2 Like its neighbors in the Bay Area, Tracy is in earthquake country. The Black Butte Fault, the Midway Fault, the Carnegie Corral Fault and the San Joaquin Fault are all sources of seismic hazard in the immediate area. And Tracy would be endangered by a "well-placed" quake along the San Andreas, Hayward, or Calaveras faults.3
Site 300 is a 7000-acre (11 square-mile) open field owned by the Lawrence Livermore National Lab that is used as a high explosives testing range. It is located on Corral Hollow Road on the outskirts of Tracy, near the heavily-trafficked Interstate 580. Earthquake faults, such as the Elk Ravine Fault, traverse the whole area. Additionally, the area is prone to wildfires.4
A Witches' Brew of Bugs and Bombs
Site 300 has been on the EPA's "Superfund" list since 1990. It is polluted with many toxic and radioactive materials, including tritium (radioactive hydrogen) and uranium-238. Despite over 25 years on the list, the government still has no cleanup plans for Site 300.5
Site 300 has been on the EPA's "Superfund" list since 1990. It is polluted with many toxic and radioactive materials, including tritium (radioactive hydrogen) and uranium-238. Despite over 25 years on the list, the government still has no cleanup plans for Site 300.5
In early March, 2007, community members and environmentalists celebrated a victory when the San Joaquin Air Pollution Control District rescinded its decision to allow the Lawrence Livermore Lab to test 350-pound bombs on Site 300. The planned tests were to have simulated full scale nuclear weapons blasts. The district withdrew its permission after learning from local residents that the bombs would contain depleted uranium. The lab did not mention the use of depleted uranium in its initial permit application.6
"Generally, depleted uranium is not considered radioactive because its radioactivity level is so low as to be equal to or below background level," said Lawrence Livermore Lab spokesman David Schwoegler. "It is in the ballast of every sailboat and jetliner and commercial use."7 However, having depleted uranium contained in boat and airplane ballast is different from letting it travel through the air on the wind, and settle on the ground where it might contaminate groundwater, the neighboring farm produce, and the wild plants eaten by the animals in the area. "If these huge explosions had been allowed to go forward, the hills, nearby waterways, the workers and the surrounding community would have all been put at risk," said Loulena Miles, staff attorney for Tri-Valley Communities Against a Radioactive Environment, a nuclear watchdog group in the area.8
But while plans for explosives testing are on hold while the federal government decides how it will respond to District's decision, other plans with respect to Site 300 are going forward. On April 16, the Department of Homeland Security sent its "site selection" team to Site 300 to evaluate the site as a home for high-containment biowarfare agent research. Site 300 is one of 17 locations being evaluated for a proposed lab that is slated to cover 500,000 square feet.9
Consider that many communities do not want a "big box" Wal-Mart store in their neighborhoods. This lab would be equal in area to five Wal-Mart big boxes. And whereas Wal-Mart contains things that people find useful, such as groceries, toilet paper and DVDs, the lab would contain such unappealing items as anthrax, bubonic plague and Q fever in the BSL-3 portion of the lab, where potentially lethal infectious or exotic pathogens are kept. The BSL-4 portion of the lab would harbor organisms that cause diseases for which there is no known cure, such as the Ebola and Marburg viruses and Central European tick-borne encephalitis.10 Not exactly the kinds of things you go looking for when you visit a Wal-Mart.
The Department of Homeland Security claims that "community acceptance" will be one of the selection criteria for the lab. The Tracy City Council has voted against the lab. Additional opposition has come in the forms of petitions, letters to the editor, letter-grams, e-mails, and phone calls to DHS Secretary Michael Chertoff. Some 7000 people are estimated to have participated in some form of opposition to placing the lab on Site 300.11 "What part of 'no' does the Department of Homeland Security not understand?" asks Marylia Kelley, executive director of Tri-Valley Cares.12
It remains to be seen for how long "community acceptance" will remain a selection criteria for DHS. There is heavy opposition to locating a high-containment biowarfare lab in any sizable community, from the San Francisco Bay Area to Boston's Back Bay. DHS might want to locate these labs in areas where there is a good chance of attracting the highly-educated personnel required to run such a facility. But situating such a lab in an urban area where such highly-educated people are likely to be, presents potential danger to millions. According to DHS, the potentially-affected community whose acceptance of the Department seeks is the community of people "living within a 60-mile radius" of a proposed facility. For Site 300, the potential community is over 7 million people.13
DHS wants to scare people into thinking that terrorists are busy designing biological weapons and we have to know what the terrorists are up to. This in itself is terrorism. The evildoers that the current administration would have us believe are lurking behind every tree would have to be extremely sophisticated to work with the organisms that one finds in BSL-3 and BSL-4 laboratories. So sophisticated, in fact, that they would likely be state-sponsored. And by hiding biological research within classified nuclear weapons research facilities, the government leaves itself open to reasonable suspicion that it is the United States, not “terrorists”, that wants to develop offensive biological capabilities rather than to defend against them.
2 Press release, Tri-Valley CAREs, April 16, 2007
3 Wikipedia entry for Tracy, California
5 Press release, Tri-Valley CAREs, April 16, 2007, Op. Cit.
6 Quick Facts About the Proposed Tracy Biowarfare Agent Research Facility, August 31, 2006
7 Press release, Tri-Valley CAREs, March 7, 2007
8 AP wire copy read on KPFA Evening News, March 8, 2007
9 Ibid.
10 Press release, Tri-Valley CAREs, April 16, 2007, Op. Cit.
11 Quick Facts, August 31, 2006, Op. Cit.
12 Press release, Tri-Valley CAREs, April 16, 2007, Op. Cit.
13 Ibid.
14 Ibid.
Filed under Radiation, Weapons, Cities, Pollution, Agriculture, Transformation, Secret Chemicals, Depleted Uranium by Kéllia Ramares
Investimentos no Brasil
"O Brasil é um dos mercados com a melhor relação risco-retorno do mundo. Vejo espaço para ampliar meus investimentos no país e para mantê-los por um prazo longo."
Sam Zell, bilionário e megainvestidor americano.
Rápidas (Dirceu Chirivino)
http://amanha.terra.com.br/ - Newsletter diária n.º 970 - 06/06/2007
Sam Zell, bilionário e megainvestidor americano.
Rápidas (Dirceu Chirivino)
The Christian Science destaca agrobusiness brasileiro
O jornal americano The Christian Science Monitor veicula nesta quarta-feira ampla reportagem sobre o agronegócio brasileiro. Em um dos trechos a repórter Sara Miller Llana, que assina a matéria, destaca a disposição do Brasil de, no futuro próximo, superar os Estados Unidos como superpotência agrícola. “No ano passado, o Brasil suplantou os Estados Unidos como maior exportador de soja. A isso se seguiu ter chegado ao primeiro lugar na exportação de carne bovina em 2004. E agora que o alto preço do petróleo e preocupação com mudanças climáticas despertam uma demanda global por combustíveis alternativos, o Brasil tem o objetivo de dobrar sua produção de cana de açúcar para etanol na próxima década.”
http://amanha.terra.com.br/ - Newsletter diária n.º 970 - 06/06/2007
Tuesday, June 05, 2007
Monday, June 04, 2007
Burocratização do meio ambiente
Hoje em dia não é mais comum as empresas fugirem da necessidade (justa) do licenciamento, especialmente, o ambiental. Esta já é uma prática corrente no empresariado, mesmo por que agrega valor ao produto e, em tempos de ambientalismo crescente, às vezes coerente, outras paranóico... o licenciamento ambiental se torna um método para se evitar as chamadas "externalidades", i.e., os custos ambientais e sociais que certas práticas delegavam, voluntária ou involuntariamente, ao conjunto da sociedade.
Mas, uma pesquisa feita pela Confederação Nacional das Indústrias revelou que o processo é lento. Isto acaba por incentivar o não cumprimento das normas, bem como os casos de corrupção incentivados pelo próprio poder público.
(Para ver a sondagem especial do CNI, clique aqui.)
...
Parceria público-privada
Pois é, como se vê no organograma acima, o projeto de maricultura praticamente não tem associação com o capital privado, exceção feita à Univale. Por isto mesmo fiquei surpreso com a notícia abaixo, quase não acreditei. Mas, preparem-se: não vai demorar muito para alguém dizer que isto é "o início de um programa de privatizações das universidades públicas"... O que não vai adiantar, pois hoje em dia não há mais orçamento com folga, o controle inflacionário acabou com a emissão de moeda à vontade.
Parceria com a Natura dá a partida ao Núcleo de Inovação da UFSC
Um contrato firmado nesta segunda-feira (04) com a fabricante de cosméticos Natura marcou o início das operações do Núcleo de Inovação Tecnológica (NIT) da Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina (UFSC). Dirigido pelo professor Luiz Otávio Pimentel, o NIT pretende gerenciar as pesquisas desenvolvidas na Universidade, aproximando investidores privados e zelando pela propriedade intelectual. “Queremos acabar com alguns mitos, como o de que a busca pela propriedade intelectual significa a privatização da universidade pública. Não podemos confundir bem público com coisa sem dono”, declara Pimentel.
O contrato com a Natura, por exemplo, foi firmado em sigilo pelo professor João Batista Calixto, da Faculdade de Farmácia da UFSC. O acordo vai autorizar a empresa a industrializar um produto desenvolvido pelo professor Calixto a partir de novos insumos naturais para o tratamento da pele e cabelos. A tecnologia se encontra em fase de obtenção de patente. “Em um mês, vamos estar com ela certificada e pronta para ser produzida”, adianta Daniel Gonzaga, diretor de pesquisa e desenvolvimento da Natura. “Este é um momento importante. Só lamento que tenha levado 32 anos para acontecer”, garante o professor. Segundo ele, mais de 30 projetos tramitam no Núcleo, atualmente, em regime de parceria com empresas privadas.
(Júlia Pitthan)
Links relacionados:
(http://amanha.terra.com.br/ - Newsletter diária n.º 968 - 04/06/2007)
